With Nicolás Maduro on the eve of his kidnapping
IGNACIO RAMONET
It was a month ago. On the night of January 2-3, 2026. It was a few minutes before 2:00 a.m. on that sinister Saturday… We were shocked by the brutality of the attack under the full moon. The violence of the successive explosions. The columns of dark smoke. The intensity of the flames illuminating a stunned, sleepless, and silent Caracas. And then, like a punch to the gut, the news of the kidnapping…
Everything seemed incredible to me. Less than two days earlier, I had been with President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores. For the tenth consecutive time, the president had agreed to grant me the "New Year's interview." We had recorded it late in the afternoon of December 31st, as night began to fall over Venezuela's beautiful capital and the year 2025 drew to a close. This time, the president had proposed that we do something like aitinerant interview"So, we had our conversation inside his private vehicle, which he was driving himself, as we traveled through the lively streets of a city ready to celebrate the arrival of the new year. Cilia Flores and Freddy Ñáñez, the Minister of Communication, were with us. No visible bodyguards, no armed men."
I had landed in Caracas a few days earlier. In a context of intense pressure and dangerous threats. Because the President of the United States had not stopped launching threats against the sovereignty of Venezuela. And it was feared that the country could be attacked at any moment. For months, Washington had been amassing a colossal military force on the shores of Venezuelan territorial waters, the largest military deployment since the first Gulf War in 1990. And it had begun, starting on September 2, 2025, a series of deadly attacks against vessels labeled without evidence as "drug boatsThese illegal actions had been described by international organizations such as the United Nations itself as "extrajudicial executions" and of "violations of international lawFrom the perspective of U.S. domestic law, Congress had not authorized any armed conflict against Venezuela and had not even confirmed that it could be classified as such.terrorist» to a drug trafficking gang.
Despite these dangers, I found Caracas to be calm. To my surprise, from Altamira Square to the bustling markets, everything was peaceful, serene, and normal. The capital was clean, more beautiful than ever, landscaped, illuminated, and decorated for festivities. I visited some shopping malls and appreciated the festive atmosphere of consumerism, with cafe terraces overflowing. I witnessed no panic buying. Nor did I observe any anxiety or fear among the crowds. I drove through the maze of urban highways and didn't perceive any atmosphere of a city under siege awaiting bombardment. There were no fortifications, barriers, checkpoints, or visible soldiers on the roads. I didn't see any tanks, armored vehicles, or fighting vehicles. Traffic flowed throughout the capital with complete normality.
I spoke with several friends, including businesspeople and foreign diplomats. They all agreed that it was a time of tension and concern, but that people were continuing with their normal lives. They also emphasized that the authorities were making efforts to instill calm and avoid alarming the public.
That afternoon of December 31st, I was told that President Nicolás Maduro would be receiving me and that we were about to record the interview. I left immediately for Miraflores Palace. It was a sunny and hot afternoon. It was about thirty degrees Celsius in the shade. Upon arriving, I was surprised by the tranquility of the atmosphere. Security around the presidential palace was minimalist, at least on the surface. I entered the palace and was shown to the presidential office. After a while, the president and his wife arrived. They didn't seem worried or anxious at all. Nicolás Maduro was in spectacular physical shape. He appeared agile, dynamic, and active.
During the long weeks of this agonizing crisis, the president had bravely strived to continue fulfilling his presidential schedule, as if defying his powerful enemies. This was despite the new and strict security precautions he had to take because a fifty-million-dollar reward had been placed on his head for anyone who facilitated his capture or assassination. That is why I contemplated with even greater admiration the composure of Nicolás Maduro, who now spoke with me unflappable, exchanging with the utmost ease various aspects of the interview, which, he told me, should not last more than an hour. He wished to emphasize the need for dialogue with the United States, for negotiation, for an agreement, for a settlement…Except for military confrontationhe insisted, anything is possible. Must Let's start a serious conversation, with facts in hand. The United States government knows this, because we've told many of its spokespeople: if they want to have serious talks about a counternarcotics agreement, we're ready. If they want oil, Venezuela is ready for US investment, like with Chevron. Whenever they want, wherever they want, and however they want. And if they want comprehensive economic development agreements, here in Venezuela, we're ready too.. "
We went out into the palace courtyard and the filming began of what he called a «podcar"So, a podcast, but recorded in a car. The president invited me to get into his vehicle, which was parked a few meters away. I sat next to him. As I've already said, there were no bodyguards with us. The president started the car, and for an hour and four minutes we were able to talk calmly about that crucial moment that Venezuela was experiencing:"American public opinion must understand that our peoples in the Global South have the right to exist, to live… That a new colonial model, a new hegemonic model, a new interventionist model, cannot be imposed with the Monroe Doctrine or any other doctrine—a model according to which the countries of the Global South would have to resign themselves to being colonies of a superpower and slaves of new masters… That is unfeasible.. "
I had known Nicolás Maduro for about twenty years, since he was the brilliant foreign minister under President Hugo Chávez. I have always appreciated his modesty, his astonishing intelligence, his great political culture, his commitment to dialogue and negotiation, his firm loyalty to progressive values and principles, his keen sense of humor, his austere view of life rooted in his humble origins, and his unwavering fidelity to the legacy of Commander Chávez.
We were driving through Caracas, a chaotic but endearing capital. Dodging traffic jams. Any other driver would have lost their temper. But not the president, who seemed to be in his natural element. Hadn't he been, for so many years, a bus driver amidst the city's usual apocalyptic traffic jams? Driving relaxed him. He drove calmly, phlegmatically, while clearly explaining his analysis of the relationship with the United States:If rationality and diplomacy ever prevailed, they could certainly discuss any topic they wish. We possess the maturity and the stature. Furthermore, we are people of our word, serious people. And one day, everything could be discussed with the current US government or whoever comes after.. "
At the end of our conversation, we walked along the Paseo de los Próceres, in the heart of Fort Tiuna. We approached the main monument and got out. We walked a few steps while he pointed out and explained the different statues of the heroes and heroines of the liberation of Venezuela and Latin America. We said goodbye, but not before I asked him to take some pictures with us. He agreed, as always, with kindness and a smile. I left with a pang in my heart. Watching, in the beautiful and peaceful Caracas night, my friend Nicolás Maduro, serious and focused, stand there with Cilia, alone, loving, and trusting. Little did they know that, just two nights later, fate would strike them with the ferocity of a rabid beast. But thankfully, they are alive… and they will return!
Ignacio Ramonet He is a journalist and emeritus professor of Communication Theory at the Denis-Diderot University in Paris. For 18 years he was the director of Le Monde Diplomatique. He is a co-founder of Media Watch Global and honorary president of the international alter-globalization movement ATACC. He was one of the promoters of the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre. He holds honorary doctorates from the University of Santiago de Compostela, the National University of Córdoba, the National University of Rosario, the University of Havana, and the University of Santo Domingo. His latest book is The age of conspiracy theories: Trump, the cult of lies, and the assault on the Capitol. (2022)








